Blog — Whitney Westerfield

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DMC

How to Respond

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How to Respond

Like the rest of the nation, I’ve watched the events of the last few weeks unfold in horror. I certainly am thinking as a citizen, a former prosecutor, and as a senator, about what’s happening, what has gone so wrong, where others have made mistakes, what kind of bills I could file or grant a hearing to to advance the cause of racial equality. But all of those are a distant second place in my mind. I am troubled most about the state of the things as the father of two perfect, funny, loving, very busy, brown children.

I’ve watched our five year old learn about all kinds of things, and we’ve done our best to teach her all the important things in life that all five year olds should know. Above all, we tell her often how much we love her, and how much God — who designed and intended every part of who she is — loves her. We do the same for her two and half year old brother. Hadley, our daughter, became part of our family at birth through a traditional adoption. Hayes became part of our family even earlier than birth through embryo adoption. They are our kids. They know Amanda and me as “momma” and “daddy”. When and how do you tell my brown kids that a part of the world sees them as less than? Our kids are too young to try to explain the unimaginable tragedies of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor and Ahmaud Arbery, but they won’t always be. At some point we’ll have to do what Momma’s and Daddy’s of black and brown kids all over America have to do everyday; break their children’s hearts with the truth. Big parts of this great nation will, seemingly, always view them as inferior to people who look like Amanda and me. Institutions that white people rely upon and trust do not universally favor and work for the good of brown and black kids and adults.

We don’t know how to do it. We don’t want to do it. I said as much to a black friend of mine a few nights ago by text message and he replied simply with “You will find a way. Remember ‘Love never fails.’” He is absolutely right. And while I still don’t know how we’ll do it when the time comes, I pray our love (and we know God’s love) will be sufficient. “Love is patient, love is kind. It does not envy, it does not boast, it is not proud. It does not dishonor others, it is not self-seeking, it is not easily angered, it keeps no record of wrongs. Love does not delight in evil but rejoices with the truth. It always protects, always trusts, always hopes, always perseveres. Love never fails.

The time to talk to our kids about the world isn’t yet upon us. But there’s nothing from stopping me from taking action right now. Anne Frank wrote in her diary “how wonderful it is that nobody need wait a single moment before starting to improve the world.” I serve in the Kentucky State Senate, and I chair the Senate Judiciary Committee, and the time is certainly ripe for action there. We must be willing to examine the mistakes we’ve made over two centuries in the General Assembly. I must be willing to examine my own failures to push hard enough (or in some cases to act at all) to eliminate systemic inequalities of Kentucky state government. We need to be prepared to listen, and to act.

Over the last few years I’ve tried to advance legislation that would address an issue I didn’t know existed when I first came to the Senate eight years ago: disproportionate minority contact, or “DMC.” But there are other proposals that deserve to be debated. Perhaps we should require a review of enacted bills to verify that it does not have a disproportionate impact on minority Kentuckians. Maybe we should include sunset clauses on bills if a disproportionate impact surfaces. We should eliminate the automatic transfer of juveniles to circuit court as youthful offenders. We should, finally, fully prohibit the use of detention for status offenders. I suspect there is no shortage of legislation we could consider in 2021 and beyond. The use of force, no-knock warrants and body cams are certainly at the front of many minds right now, and for good reason. I don’t have all the answers, and government alone can’t fix every problem, but people across the Commonwealth are sharing ideas and suggestions and we should be willing to consider any that may advance the cause of justice and racial equality.

How wonderful it is that nobody need wait a single moment before starting to improve the world.
— Anne Frank

I will not condone rioters and looters and violence, and I will not condone those intentionally inciting and inviting those demons. But peaceful protestors are doing what peaceful protestors have done for generations; peacefully seeking to be heard, peacefully seeking to right a wrong. George Floyd, Breonna Taylor and Ahmaud Arbery are just the most recent, most visible examples of generations of wrongs. James wrote in his letter “...everyone should be quick to listen, slow to speak and slow to become angry...”. I will strive to be quick to listen to those suffering from racial inequality, and do my best to understand their perspective, as much as a white man can. They have this senator’s, this father’s, attention. I may not move the needle much, but as long as our kids see that I’m trying to move it at all, that might make all the difference.

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DMC

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DMC

UPDATE:  On November 28th, staff for the Department of Juvenile Justice and the Administrative Office of the Courts informed me that the data contained in this post is not statewide data, but rather specifically from Jefferson County.  I'll update this post with statewide data once the agencies have provided it.


Over the last two years the Juvenile Justice Oversight Council (JJOC), created by Senate Bill (SB) 200's juvenile justice reforms, has overseen the implementation of that landmark legislation.  In the time since its enactment we have already seen positive outcomes with fewer kids ending up in the court system and being placed, unwisely and expensively, out of home.  This is still the early days of the reforms, but the preliminary indications are very good, and show the bill is improving outcomes for kids without diminishing public safety.

While we continue to discuss and dissect the rollout of this enormous reform bill, our work on the council also includes exploring policy areas that SB 200 didn't directly address.  At the top of that to-do list is an area of policy work that demands our attention and awareness: Disproportionate Minority Contact, or "DMC."  In Kentucky's juvenile justice system, a system Lady Justice demonstrates should be blind, is evidence that minority children are treated differently.

First, it is important to put the data in context.  Remember as you read through this column that as of 2014, Kentucky's youth population (10 to 17 year olds) roughly breaks down to 83 percent white, 10 percent black, 5 percent Hispanic and 2 percent Asian.

In 2015, statewide status offense (a status offense is not a crime but is an offense only because the person committing it is a juvenile, including truancy, possession of tobacco, running away) detentions already demonstrate a disproportionate reality, with 13 percent of those cases belonging to black youth, compared to 77 percent white youth.

With over 1,700 school complaints during the 2015-2016 school year (statewide) we see a vivid image of DMC.  Nearly 1,200 of them were complaints about black youth.  Here are a few other takeaways from this statewide data:

Black youth had nearly the same number of truancy complaints at 322 as white youth at 314 (remember the 83 percent vs. 10 percent).  Still more jarring is the difference in the disorderly conduct complaint category, wherein white youth make up 35 school complaints compared to the 226 lodged against black youth.  On the charge of Assault in the 3rd Degree (the attempted or actual assault on a teacher, law enforcement officer, first responder and other select professions; a class D felony) black youth had 92 school complaints compared to 17 for white youth.  To do the math for you, the percentage comparisons between white and black kids are grossly disproportionate relative to their respective share of the youth population: Truancy – 45 percent black, 44 percent white; Disorderly Conduct – 85 percent black, 13% white; Assault – 80 percent black, 15 percent white.

2015-2016 School Year, Complaints By Race

  • Habitual Truancy
  • Disorderly Conduct
  • Abuse of Teacher
  • Assault 3rd
  • Habitual Truancy
  • Disorderly Conduct
  • Abuse of Teacher
  • Assault 3rd
Complaint data provided by the Administrative Office of the Courts

I wish the data stopped there, but it does not.  Between 2014 and 2016, the likelihood that a juvenile would be deemed a "youthful offender," which means they're prosecuted in Circuit Court for felonies as an adult, has declined for white youth but has increased for black youth.  In 2014, 41 percent of youthful offenders were white, compared to 50% percent black (itself a disproportionate statistic), but the data from 2016 shows those two groups at 19 percent and 71 percent, respectively.

2014-2016 Youthful Offenders By Race (%)

  • White
  • Black
  • White
  • Black
Data provided by DJJ Juvenile Justice Resource Information (JORI) System

This is simply wrong.

Over the last few months the JJOC has heard hours of testimony about DMC in Kentucky and steps already underway to address it.  The September meeting of the JJOC was entirely about the subject.  Prior to the meeting I made a formal request to each member of the council to come prepared with policy recommendations, and they delivered.  I have already begun work on legislation I intend to introduce in the 2017 session to end this miscarriage of justice for minority youth and I intend to include many of these recommendations.  In the 2016 session I sponsored SB 270 that would have required the most prominent state agencies involved in the juvenile justice system to collect data on race, identify DMC in their own systems, and develop and implement plans to eliminate it to the extent they can.  That bill failed to pass, but I am not giving up.  The numbers are painfully clear that we must take steps to eliminate implicit bias in our system wherever it exists, to improve the community resources for troubled youth regardless of their skin color, and to make certain Lady Justice remains blind.

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DMC By the Numbers

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DMC By the Numbers

During the most recent meeting of the Juvenile Justice Oversight Council, a group to watch over the implementation of SB200 and to study and debate additional juvenile justice policies, we were shown some jarring numbers from DJJ....

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Early Numbers Are In

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Early Numbers Are In

Over the course of 2012 and 2013, we studied Kentucky's Juvenile Justice system.  Our findings were not good, and the recommendations for legislative action were big.  What followed was the most comprehensive overhaul to the system in nearly 30 years, Senate Bill 200.  This overhaul, passed in 2014 and fully in effect as of July 2015, has become a national model for other states to follow.  States from West Virginia to Kansas and South Dakota have looked at what Kentucky has done.  The bottom line is that we were holding kids who hadn't committed any crimes with kids who had committed some of the worst crimes there are, and we were detain low-level offenders out of home when a community based approach is both far more effective for kids and their families, and far less expensive to the taxpayer.  We weren't always assessing the needs of the child in a meaningful way.  Senate Bill 200 required a risk and needs assessment early in the process and brought that community based approach to life.

So far, the numbers from the Department of Juvenile Justice (DJJ), the Administrative Office of the Courts (AOC), and the Department for Community Based Services (DCBS) look promising.  While it's too early to claim broad success, we are, for the moment, trending in that direction:

 

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FAIR (Family Accountability Intervention and Response) Teams were created in SB200 as multi-disciplinary teams of local professionals to review cases that otherwise would have ended up in court.  The FAIR Team's goal is to plug kids in to community based resources and programs to address their needs.  A teacher gave me the example of a young student who was punished for being disobedient and insubordinate.  The child was acting out of a mental health diagnosis that the system was unaware had been made.  This kid was punished when all he needed was mental health care.

Likewise there are kids who are merely truant (which is a behavior that should definitely be corrected with the child and/or the parents involved) who would share a cell behind razor wire two hours from home with the kids who sold drugs or committed violent crimes.  This is incredibly harmful to the kids involved, making their situations worse.  Adding insult to injury, holding kids out of home is incredibly expensive.  Adults held in state prison cost the taxpayer about $22k a year.  Juvenile detention beds cost about $100k a year.

Now that FAIR Teams are meeting across the state we can see that nearly half of the cases that would’ve gone to court are now being resolved through the FAIR Team process - making an enormous positive impact on the lives of these children and their families, while avoiding the enormous drain on the taxpayer with court dockets and detention.

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41% of kids that would've gone to court were successfully diverted out of the system, making a huge difference in their lives and sparing the high cost of increased court dockets and detention centers.

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